Ekonomija i Trgovina
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SPEECH ON THE OCCASION
OF THE NATIONAL DAY OF SERBIA AND THE DAY OF THE ARMY OF SERBIA (2010)
My Lords,
Your Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Dear friends,
Dragi prijatelji,
I am happy and really honoured to greet you today in the Embassy of the Republic of Serbia at a reception to commemorate the National Day and the Day of the Army of Serbia – Candlemas Day (Sretenje). 15th of February is the most important date in the modern Serbian history, since on Candlemas Day in 1804 Serbs rose to arms against Ottoman rule to end the nation's 345 years of occupation by the Turks. The elected leader of the uprising, Karadjordje (Djordje "The Black"), became subsequently the founder of the Serbian royal dynasty Karadjordjević, which, with some breaks, ruled Serbia and Yugoslavia until 1945. His great-great-great granddaughter should be today with us.
The capital Belgrade was liberated by the end of 1806 and the first free nation state in the Balkans was re-established after three and half centuries. The uprising was a success story because Serbia had allies – primarily Russia and Austria, while a large number of Serbs from what is today known as Vojvodina, then part of the Hungarian lands of the Habsburgs, crossed the Danube and Sava rivers to provide help to their freedom-fighting compatriots. The support did not consist of arms shipments alone – there was an influx of educated persons who did their best to enhance the culture and education among the people south of the river Danube, who had been excluded from the western European Renaissance and Enlightenment processes for 345 years due to the occupation. The first higher education institution in the Balkans, the forerunner of the University of Belgrade, was established in the recently liberated Belgrade in 1808. Ever since those days Serbia's intelligentsia was educated in Europe (in Paris, Vienna, London, Munich…), or at the University of Belgrade, communicating back the project of European modernisation and rational government into Serbian society. The Candlemas Day, as the day when the uprising against Ottoman rule commenced, is also celebrated as the Day of the Army of Serbia, since nine years of the existence of the reborn Serbian state at the beginning of the XIX century represented a period of almost ceaseless armed conflicts with Turk forces.
In the aftermath of the 1812 Bucharest Peace Treaty, whereby Russia was allowed to concentrate its armies to fight Napoleon and Turkey to reconquest Serbia, the first Serbian free modern state was temporarily suppressed in 1813, but only to re-emerge in 1815, gaining autonomous status by Sultan's hatti-sherif in 1830 and full independence in 1878 at the Berlin Congress. In this vital half a century period, during which Serbia invested huge diplomatic efforts in enlarging its autonomy and transforming it into fully fledged sovereignty, Candlemas Day again represented a major turning point. Namely, it was on Sretenje in 1835 that the first Serbian constitution was enacted. Its contents, influenced by the ideas of the French Revolution, had been deemed too liberal for the concert of European powers established at the Vienna Congress in 1815 and therefore "The Candlemas Day Constitution" was quickly put aside and replaced in 1838 by another one – definitely less provocative. Anyhow, the Candlemas Day for the Serbs is not just a major Christian feast commemorating the purification of the Virgin Mary and the presentation of the infant Jesus at the Temple – this is the day which we also commemorate as the beginning of the uprising that led to the rebirth of the Serbian statehood and of our armed forces, as well as to the enactment of our first constitution.
Two hundred and six years have passed since Karadjordje's rebellion against the Ottoman occupation and Serbia's resurrection as a modern European state. Having fought for freedom on the side of the Entente in the Great War and on the side of the Allies in the Second World War, while facing many temptations by the end of the last century, Serbia is now strongly determined to fulfil its strategic and legitimate task – to become a member of the European Union. There are many battles yet to be fought – I mean in South Africa where our national football team will do its best to prove, together with our Slovenian friends, that the region, once considered classy football-wise (just remember Hungarian czardas led by Puskas in early fifties, or the Yugoslav 1968 team which was second in Europe, having eliminated the England of Bobby Moore and Bobby Charlton), is again riding high. Novak Djoković, Ana Ivanović and Jelena Janković are expected to fight their battles on the tennis courts, too. But these are the types of battles all of us enjoy. Strongly committed to European values, Serbia has relied exclusively on the diplomatic and judicial measures to deal with the most delicate and most painful issue of preserving its territorial integrity. At the same time major economic, political and legal reforms are being carried out not only to meet the Copenhagen criteria for EU membership, but in order to improve the conditions in which Serbia's citizens live. Let me reiterate that the democratic Serbia highly appreciates support it enjoys by friendly nations on the path of its Euro-integration. In the capacity of Serbia's Ambassador to the UK, I am privileged to cooperate with the people sincerely committed to the EU enlargement – the Government, Her Majesty Opposition, civil servants, academics, business circles, local communities. Having said this, I would like to point out at the end of this speech that by reforming its society and preparing itself for the EU membership, while enjoying the support of our British friends, new foundations of Anglo-Serbian partnership are being established. The year in which Serbia performed quite well (visa liberalisation, the interim trade agreement stepped into force, formal application for EU membership was submitted) is now replaced by a year in which, like the ATP-ranked tennis players, we must perform even better in order to keep our place on the list. We shall witness together how things develop in the course of 2010. And I am serene knowing that not only among you, but elsewhere in this country and beyond its borders, Serbia has friends who observe its progress with satisfaction. The Western Balkans does belong to Europe and all its countries – Albania, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia – will at the end of the day become members of the EU to the benefit of not only its nations but of the peace and stability on the entire Continent.
Ambassador Dr. Dejan Popović
Mon 15 Feb 2010 | |
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| Serbian Foreign Minister Vuk Jeremic, during his visit to London on 7 December, held a lecture at the LSE, titled "Securing Peace and Stability in the Balkans: European Perspectives and International Law".
After the lecture, Minister Jeremic met a group of Serbian students currently studying at the LSE. Integral text of the lecture
Mon 7 Dec 2009 | |
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| HE Dejan Popovic, Serbian ambassador to the UK and Ireland, held a lecture titled "Serbia's European traditions and perspectives" at the Balliol Colleague in Oxford on 26 November.
Dr Popovic spoke about Serbia's progress on its path towards the EU and the challenges it is facing. He also answered questions by those gathered at the Massey Room, among whom were most Serbian postgraduate students currently studying at Oxford. Integral text of the lecture
Thu 26 Nov 2009 | |
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| Serbian ambassador, HE Dr Dejan Popovic, laid a wreath at the Brookwood cemetery in memory of those fallen in WWI .
Three Serbian soldiers are burried at the Brookwood cemetery, the biggest Commonwealth cemetery on the UK soil.
The ceremony was attended by Minister-Counsellor Branimir Filipovic, Defence Attache Col Branko Milovanovic, Assistant Defence Attache Col Darko Perisic, as well as Capt (Navy) Jon Holloway from the UK Ministry of Defence.
Wed 11 Nov 2009 | |
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HE Ambassador Dr Dejan Popovic gave a lecture at the International Financial Services on 3 November, before an audience of financial and legal experts. Dr Popovic, a tax expert himself, addressed a number of issues in his speech, more on which you can find in this document.
Tue 3 Nov 2009 | |
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Ambassador of the Republic of Serbia, Dr Dejan Popovic, laid a wreath at the Tower Hill Memorial on Saturday 9 May, commemorating the Day of Victory.
Attending the wreath-laying ceremony were the Serbian Embassy members of staff.
The participants paid a silent tribute to the fallen fighters in WWII.
Sat 9 May 2009 | |
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Mr. President,
Honorable Members,
Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I believe that in the next generation or so, the progress of Europe will revolve around two fundamental political issues. The first concerns the institutional reforms of the EU itself. Were Serbia a member of the EU, it would be appropriate for me to take part in this debate. Unfortunately, we have not yet acceded to the Union, so I will leave this issue in the hands of my EU colleagues. |
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This evening I would rather concentrate on the second fundamental issue: Europe’s place in the world.
The question can be put in the following way: will the EU limit itself to the status of a marginal geopolitical player—by continuing to rely on the application of soft power absent strategic forethought? Or will it choose to play a more active role on the world stage?
Provided that Transatlantic ties are harmonized, I believe that the EU must focus on the belt of nations to its east and south-east—in particular, on the three pivot countries in the greater European space: Ukraine, Turkey, and Serbia.
How the EU chooses to interact with the first two will almost certainly define its sway in Eurasia and the Greater Middle East. And the decision about whether Europe will rapidly extend membership to Serbia will definitively affect the future of the entire Western Balkans, which I believe is vital to the consolidation of European security. |
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Ladies and Gentlemen,
I turn first to Ukraine. As the recent energy crisis demonstrated, Europe has a strategic interest in the stability of this country.
The way in which the EU engages with Ukraine will strongly affect the overall tone of its relationship with its greatest neighbor, the Russian Federation. |
This issue is as complicated as it is significant. It would take me too far off course to discuss it at length. Suffice it to say that it is of permanent importance for the EU to develop a healthy relationship with Moscow. Ensuring the combination of a stable Ukraine and an un-antagonized Russia is both a security and economic imperative for the European Union.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I come to Turkey. Situated at the crossroads of two great civilizations, Turkey can easily become the EU’s strategic capacity multiplyer for influence in the Greater Middle East.
By fully embracing Turkey—a Muslim democratic nation, with footholds in Europe and Asia Minor—the EU would accomplish two essential things.
Firstly, it would find itself standing at the vanguard of forging a 21st-century compact of peace and security in that part of the world.
And secondly, it would transform the EU from being perceived as a partisan actor in the drama, to an honest broker in the Greater Middle East. |
Ladies and Gentlemen,
The third pivotal country I want to discuss is my own. I do not aspire to put Serbia in the same category of significance as Ukraine or Turkey. But I would like to make the case for a similar level of importance for these three theatres—from the strategic perspective of the European Union. |
Let me start by quoting the words of Carl Bildt, the Swedish foreign minister and an old Balkan hand. “The future of Serbia is obviously key to the future of the wider region. A stable Serbia will project stability in the region—an unstable one will obviously project the reverse. Its European integration is the only lasting guarantee of its peace and its prosperity.”
In other words, Serbia is the indispensable anchor of the Western Balkans, uniquely placed to act as the region’s EU accession accelerator. |
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Europe mustn’t contemplate an exit strategy when it comes to Serbia. Should we begin to hedge our bets on enlargement in the Western Balkans, we would end up devoting more resources to managing occasional flare-ups and gathering crises, than those that will have to be spent on completing the integration process. Hands-on engagement is the only way forward.
Simply put, the EU will be safer if the Western Balkans, with Serbia at its center, enters the House of Europe, instead of remaining bitterly at its gates.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
The citizens of Serbia have time and again demonstrated their commitment to join the European Union. All elections held since the democratic revolution of October 5th, 2000, have returned reformist majorities.
This Government of Serbia has made it clear that European accession is our central strategic priority.
We have an unprecedented opportunity. It mustn’t be squandered. The European Union is the grandest and most successful peace project in history. It has reconciled age-old adversaries through the rejection of hegemonic ambitions of individual states, in favor of a binding commitment to overcome disagreements by democratic means.
Serbia feels an acute sense of belonging to this kind of Europe.
We deem that our heritage, our culture, our beliefs, and our history bind us to a constellation of nations that have come to instill what Winston Churchill once called “a sense of enlarged patriotism,” rooted in a common set of values deeply held and widely shared.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
None of us would be well-served by opting to close our eyes to the challenges that still remain. The primary one is the issue of Kosovo.
A year ago tomorrow, the ethnic-Albanian authorities of Serbia’s southern province of Kosovo and Metohija unilaterally declared independence from my country—in direct violation of the basic tenets and principles of international law: the United Nations Security Council resolution 1244 (1999), as well as the UN Charter, the Helsinki Final Act, and numerous other binding covenants that guarantee Serbia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.
At the time, we stated clearly that Serbia would never recognize, under any circumstances, Kosovo’s unilateral declaration of independence—or UDI. This position is enshrined in our constitution, and will not change.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
UDI has called into question the very nature of the international system, setting a ready-made precedent that any number of ethnic minorities with a grievance against their capitals could use.
We all know that there are dozens of Kosovo-s throughout the world, just waiting for secession to be legitimized, to be rendered an acceptable norm. Many existing conflicts could escalate, frozen conflicts could reignite, and new ones could be instigated.
Now, we have heard the argument that Kosovo’s UDI is not a dangerous precedent for the international community, because it is sui generis—a unique case.
But the truth is, this comes down to saying that Kosovo is an exception to international law—that Kosovo should stand beyond the rules that govern the behavior of the international community.
Well, let me be blunt: I don’t believe that anyone should permit himself the right to declare such exceptions.
Consider the consequences should a group of countries somewhere else in the world proclaim another exception to international law, in the name of supporting somebody else’s separatism.
That’s why Serbia’s position has remained consistent: the only way to avoid illegitimately challenging the territorial integrity of any UN member State, is for the world community to work constructively together to solve this issue through international institutions of indisputable and universal legitimacy.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Serbia has responded to Kosovo’s UDI with utmost responsibility and restraint.
From the very onset of this grave crisis, Serbia ruled out the use of force. And we did not exercise other unilateral options, such as the imposition of economic sanctions, against our breakaway province.
Instead, we opted for a peaceful and diplomatic approach—the result of which is that a vast majority of UN member States, including member countries of the EU, have refrained from recognizing Kosovo’s UDI. They have continued to abide by their obligations to respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Serbia.
Our carefully measured response to UDI recognitions ensured that the political fallout with those countries was largely contained. As a result, our bilateral relations have not suffered substantially.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Kosovo’s ethnic-Albanian authorities chose to unilaterally declare independence from Serbia after walking away from the negotiating table.
They believed that if they walked away, the path to securing independence would open up before them. They believed it, because that’s what they were told. And they believed it because an artificial deadline on the talks was affirmed from the outside after which, if no compromise solution was reached, Kosovo’s independence would be imposed.
Under such circumstances, a negotiated solution was never a realistic option. With a fixed deadline and a default position that fulfilled their maximalist demands, what incentive did Kosovo’s ethnic Albanians have to negotiate with Serbia in good faith? All they had to do was to pretend to engage in a process pre-determined to fail, and wait out the clock.
Those who opted to support the act of UDI disagreed with Serbia and a majority of the international community on the importance of arriving at a solution acceptable to all. In other words, it came down to asking, “should Kosovo be solved in the 21st-century European manner, that is, through compromise, concession and consensus-building amongst all the stakeholders? Or should another logic animate the process—one that allows for the imposition of a one-sided outcome?”
The first alternative is about trying to overcome differences. The second is about entrenching them. Serbia’s position has always been to underscore the dangers of sacrificing the regional geo-strategic priorities of all, on the altar of the communal aspirations of one.
This is a reason why we turned to the law. Serbia’s decision to contest the Kosovo issue at the International Court of Justice—by prevailing in the United Nations General Assembly—constitutes a paradigm shift in favor of peace in the Western Balkans.
At Serbia’s initiative, an issue of such fundamental importance and complexity—passionately involving all at once identity, boundaries, communal rights, opposing historical narratives—was steered clear of resorting to the force of arms, for the first time in the history of our region.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
The Court will spend well over a year deliberating the issue. Until it issues its advisory opinion on whether UDI violates international law, we have a responsibility to our citizens to constructively engage on a whole host of practical issues, while continuing to respect each other’s red lines.
Common sense and the present circumstances dictate that we should emphasize what brings us closer together, instead of what can drive us apart. The European future of the Western Balkans depends on our ability to compartmentalize our differences.
Once the International Court of Justice hands down its decision, the situation will be clearer. In all likelihood, the Court will hold that Kosovo’s UDI is not compatible with international law. One result of such a decision will be the cessation of recognitions. Another will be the denial of membership in multilateral institutions to the authorities in Pristina.
Two options would then present themselves: obstinacy or concession. The first would lead to the perpetuation of Kosovo’s legal, political and economic limbo—at enormous cost to everyone.
The second would lead to the revisiting of Kosovo’s future status. For the first time ever, a situation would be created in which a symmetric set of incentives would be put before the stakeholders—one that would encourage everyone at the table to seek a solution acceptable to all.
Only such a solution can be viable, sustainable, and lasting. And only such a solution can contribute to the consolidation of peace and stability in the Western Balkans—the ultimate prize of our common endeavor to come.
Honorable Members,
I leave you with the words of Edmund Burke: “All acts of Government—indeed, every human benefit and enjoyment, every virtue and every prudent act—is founded on compromise and negotiation.”
To enjoy the benefits of the solution to come—for Kosovo and the rest of Serbia, and for the European future of the Western Balkans—we must compromise, and we must negotiate. In good faith, resulting in no winners and losers. In a way that puts the welfare and the stability of the entire region in the center of the process. In a way that delivers the region past the point of no return. And in a way that contributes to the consolidation of the security architecture of all of Europe.
Thank you.
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Mon 16 Feb 2009 | |
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| Dear citizens,
On this Day, Sretenje, Serbia is marking two important events: 205 years of the First Serbian Uprising and 174 years of the adoption of the Sretenje Constitution. That is why February 15th is Serbian Statehood Day and Army Day but it is also its Constitution Day.
Two prominent personalities that specially epitomize these two days are the leader of the First Serbian Uprising Karadjordje Petrovic and the author of the Sretenje Constitution Dimitrije Davidovic.
Tenacity of the leader of the First Serbian Uprising Djordje Petrovic, the reputation he enjoyed among the people and his ability to appease the Dukes who often could not differentiate between the general and particular interest, between the national and private interests, made Karadjordje indisputable leader of the First Serbian Uprising and the founder of the modern Serbian state.
Serbia’s constitutionality shared the destiny of the Serbian state which went through a difficult time on its road towards its full realization.
The First Serbian Constitution, the so-called Sretenje Constitution, drafted by Dimitrije Davidovic handed down a great legacy to the Serbian people. It entrusted it with the task of having always to be in a forefront of the efforts to attain freedoms and human rights.
The constitution was drawn up to secure Europeanization of Serbia, protection of citizens before the state and transformation of Serbia into the legal state with protected human and property rights for all.
Chapter 11 of the Sretenje Constitution states that we are all, without exception, equal before the law.
It is always wise to recall what was written down back in 1835.
Ladies and gentlemen,
Marking of the Statehood and Army Day unites identities of the Army and the state thus bringing out again their deep inter-connection in Serbia’s statehood tradition. Serbia, that poses no threat to anyone but is everyone’s friend and a partner, is a anchor of the regional stability and security and a democratic European country.
Serbia defends its interests only in a peaceful manner. That is the policy that we shall be guided by also in the future.
The Army is the guarantor of this peaceful state policy and an institution that we have full trust in.
Our security system is stable, despite the fact that the foreign-policy environment is full of new security challenges and trials.
Kosovo and Metohija is the most important and most sensitive issue of our own but also of regional and European security and policy.
We remain firmly committed to defending our legitimate rights in our territory through legal and diplomatic means and not by force. Serbia will never recognize independence of Kosovo and while respecting international law it will defend its own legitimate interests, its integrity in Kosovo, in the legal arena and before the International Court of Justice. The 17th of February is for Serbia the date when an illegal act was adopted when Pristina unilaterally declared Kosovo as a so-called state.
A year later everyone realized that Kosovo is not a state. We say to our citizens in Kosovo that their state is looking after them and their interests.
Ladies and gentlemen,
The wave of the global economic crisis has not yet reached its full climax and no one can predict how long it will last and what consequences it will have.
The Government program of measures to mitigate the negative effects of the crisis on the Serbian economy is only in the function of defence of our economy, stabilization of the dinar and maintenance of the standards of citizens.
The Government of Serbia will make a monthly analysis of the situation and will adapt measures to the effects of the crisis. Defence of productive jobs will be our priority.
In order to solve problems more quickly then in the past we have to get down to business more vigorously. The same applies to all state institutions, including both the President of the Republic and the government, the provincial, town and municipal authorities, courts and prosecutor’s offices.
Nowadays, Serbia needs unity of all national potentials. It needs solidarity, respect for others and focusing on what we have in common and what is undeniable and that is the prosperity of Serbia instead of wasting time and energy on arguments and conflicts.
Many different nationalities live in our country with their religion, their identity and culture fully respected. There is no room for national chauvinism, fascism, anti-semitism and hate speech in Serbia.
Anyone resorting to these anti-civilization acts will encounter strong resistance and condemnation, primarily by the public. One who insults and humiliates a member of the national minority, does the same to whole Serbian nation, especially if this happens in our highest legislative institution - Serbian Parliament. Serbia is a country that will never again experience divisions, whether religious or ethnic. We are all equal citizens of one Serbia.
I call on all representatives of state and citizens to respect the European standards set out by the author of the Sretenje Constitution in 1835. I call on them to respect the Constitution and laws of this country and that the laws be equally applied both to all citizens and to those in power.
Every Minister, every state official, every parliament member must always bear in mind the fact that he must be in the service of the people and citizens and must be humble and behave properly.
He also must perform his duties in a serious and honest manner.
That is the most important mandate given to us by our citizens in the elections and we must never forget it.
Citizens of Serbia,
Membership in the European Union as the strategic goal of our country was clearly defined and reaffirmed in all past elections, as decided by the citizens. In spite of the global financial crisis and its impact on the international relations we will achieve this historic goal of ours.
This is for our own sake, for the sake of better life of our citizens, for the sake of our children. We must complete our cooperation with the Hague Tribunal and that is the only political condition for our membership in the European Union.
We must not give up and despite the obstacles there is no room for doubt, skepticism and lack of enthusiasm. Serbia needs a new impetus and with a new energy of ours we will succeed because this people had the strength to overcome all obstacles at the time when there was a clear awareness of the goal, when there was unity, seriousness, decency and hard work.
In addition to the EU membership, Serbia also wishes to have the best possible relations with Russia and the United States of America. Despite disagreements on some issues Serbia also wishes to strengthen the relations with Montenegro, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia. Serbia is making every effort to make the region stable and to make good relations the basis of regional prosperity. Without Serbia and its potential no regional initiative stands a chance of succeeding and with Serbia every economic, political and peace process in the Western Balkans has a future.
Regional stability is our state interest but it is also the interest of all people who live in our Balkan region.
Here, in Novi Sad, in our province of Vojvodina, I wish to emphasize that by its Statute that will be aligned with the Constitution of Serbia, Vojvodina will get what is guaranteed to it by the Constitution and that the unity of the country will in no way be jeopardized. Decentralization is the tradition in Serbia and Vojvodina has European but primarily Serbian character. It is an integral part of Serbia and it will remain so.
I wish to remove any doubt, suspicion and fear and to ask for politicized debate on the Statute of the province to be translated into an argumented democratic discussion. On this Statehood Day we also symbolically mark Serbia’s unity, its territorial integrity and indivisibility. We observe the freedom-loving tradition of the Serbian people but also the respect for all Serbian citizens: Serbs, Hungarians, Bosniaks, Roma, Croats, Slovaks, Romanians, Ruthenians, Bunjevci, Gorani, Albanians, Vlachs, Montenegrins, and Macedonians alike. We celebrate our renewed statehood but also a persistent work to promote human rights and freedoms, respect religion, tradition and culture and identity.
Orientated towards Serbia’s European future, we preserve our sovereignty, integrity and dignity so that our state could be the way we want it to: strong, stable and respected by the world.
The citizens of Serbia, I congratulate you the Statehood Day of the Republic of Serbia! Gentlemen soldiers, I congratulate you Serbian Army Day.
Sun 15 Feb 2009 | |
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United Nations Security Council
ADDRESS BEFORE THE UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL
BY H.E. MR. VUK JEREMIĆ
MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS OF THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA
Mr. President,
Special Representative Zannier,
Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I am glad to be taking part in one of those occasions in which the errors of the past, carried out in the name of bare political expediency, can begin to be set aright through a series of acts characterized by strategic foresight, vision, and prudence.
We have the chance to engage in a common effort to attenuate the effects of a serious challenge to the foundations of the international system that took place on February 17th, 2008. On that day, the ethnic Albanian authorities of Serbia’s southern province of Kosovo and Metohija unilaterally declared independence from a member State of the United Nations—in direct violation of its democratic Constitution, and against the will of the Security Council.
Mr. President,
In all the sessions of the Security Council devoted to our southern province, Serbia has insisted upon the full respect of the binding obligations of the United Nations Charter, as well as this Council’s Resolution 1244 (1999), which guarantees the sovereignty and territorial integrity of my country.
I make no apology for this. I celebrate the fact that Serbia is unwavering in its determination to peacefully defend its principled position on Kosovo—using all political, diplomatic, and legal means at our disposal. We will continue doing so in the future.
I would like to take this opportunity to thank all the member States of the United Nations that support Serbia’s position on Kosovo’s UDI—the first among these valiant equals being the Russian Federation. Our nations stand together, dedicated to safeguarding the principles set forth in the UN Charter.
Mr. President,
Serbia’s insistence on resolving Kosovo’s future status in accordance with international law has not only been invoked for reasons of vital national interest and constitutional necessity; nor merely out of genuine care for regional peace and stability. We have also done so out of fundamental concern for the dangerous consequences the Kosovo precedent could bring to the survival of the United Nations system as we know it.
We hold that the argument that Kosovo is sui generis—in other words, a unique case—is untenable. The sui generis contention comes down to saying that Kosovo should be treated as an exception to international law—that Kosovo should stand beyond the rules that govern the behavior of the international community.
The Republic of Serbia strongly rejects this claim, believing that no one should permit himself the right to proclaim such exceptions, especially in defiance of the Security Council.
Serbia’s position has remained consistent: the only way to avoid challenging the territorial integrity of any UN member State is for the world community to work constructively together to solve this issue through international institutions of indisputable and universal legitimacy.
On October 8th, the General Assembly of the United Nations supported Serbia’s position by an overwhelming majority. It approved a resolution to refer the question of status to the International Court of Justice.
Thanks to this support, an issue of such fundamental importance and complexity—passionately involving all at once identity, boundaries, communal rights, opposing historical narratives—has been steered clear of resorting to the force of arms for the first time in the history of our region.
Mr. President,
Relegating this to the judicial arena was a re-affirmation by the world community of Serbia’s strategic choice to respond to UDI peacefully, and with maximal restraint.
It is the first in a series of steps designed to create an environment in which lasting stability can be secured, law strengthened, and sovereign equality reinforced.
The second involves restoring legitimacy to international action in our southern province.
On June 12th, the Secretary General issued a report in which he informed the Security Council of his intention to begin reconfiguring the international civilian presence in Kosovo. This was done without the approval of the Republic of Serbia—the host country of the United Nations Mission in Kosovo. And it was done without the endorsement of the Security Council—the only institution endowed with the power to legitimate changes in the composition of the international presence in Kosovo, as paragraphs 5 and 19 of resolution 1244 (1999) make abundantly clear.
Ignoring the will of Serbia—and infringing on the statutory prerogatives of the Security Council—set the stage for a crisis of legitimacy.
Just as with UDI, the Republic of Serbia responded in a non-confrontational manner. On July 25th, we addressed the Council to repeat our position that it is of “crucial importance for reconfiguration to proceed with the full engagement of Serbia. It must be completed with our acceptance, and supported by the Security Council. Such is the only way,” we concluded, “to deliver legitimacy and ensure the sustainability of our work.”
Mr. President,
The point was clear: the voice of Serbia must be respected.
On that basis, an understanding with the Secretary General was reached in which a dialogue between Serbia and the United Nations would intensify on six topics of mutual concern—namely police, judiciary, customs, transportation and infrastructure, administrative boundaries, and Serbian patrimony.
After months of difficult negotiations, I am pleased to say that an agreement has been reached. Its provisions are detailed in the report we have before us. This dialogue will continue. I assure you that Serbia will remain constructive in the ongoing dialogue with the United Nations, while holding to its principled position on Kosovo, rooted in our country’s Constitution and resolution 1244.
Our present achievement is greatly significant: it creates the conditions to protect the well-being of Serbs and other gravely endangered communities in Kosovo. And it cements the fact that the Republic of Serbia remains indispensable to the self-governance of our southern province.
Mr. President,
Serbia’s longstanding position of support for the deepening of the European Union’s engagement in any part of Serbia, including Kosovo, has never been at issue.
The European Union can and should help to build the much needed institutional and societal fabric of our southern province. This has been impossible until now because of the way reconfiguration began.
What has always been a crucial condition for our acceptance of reconfiguration is a clear and binding commitment by the European Union—confirmed in the Security Council—to be fully status neutral, and completely anchor its presence in Kosovo under the authority of the United Nations, in conformity with resolution 1244 (1999).
I am pleased that these reasonable conditions have been met. The explicit language of the report confirms the status neutrality of EULEX’s engagement, which is a guarantee that no part of its mandate can be devoted to the implementation of the Ahtisaari Plan for Kosovo’s independence—rejected by the Republic of Serbia, and “never endorsed by the Security Council,” in the words of the report that is before us today.
The Republic of Serbia therefore welcomes the Secretary General’s report.
Mr. President,
I must confess my disappointment at the position that the authorities in Pristina have taken on the Secretary General’s report.
What is of great significance, however, is that the implementation of the six points—as well as the deployment of EULEX that, to quote the report, “will fully respect resolution 1244 and operate under the overall authority and within the status-neutral framework of the United Nations”—shall nonetheless be put into operation. And that it shall be done in consultation with relevant stakeholders, such as the Republic of Serbia.
I call on the authorities in Pristina neither to obstruct the will of the international community, nor to oppose the binding resolve of the Security Council.
Mr. President,
I take the opportunity to draw the Council’s attention to the difficult environment in which the most endangered community in Europe continues to live. For many Serbs in Kosovo, their fate continues to depend on how they feel they can survive despite the enormous hostility of their immediate surroundings.
The representative of the Kosovo Albanians is present today in his personal capacity. In his previous remarks to this Council, a claim has been made that Kosovo is an idyllic, multi-ethnic place where democratic perfection is just around the corner.
I therefore invite the Council to consider the following:
What of the abominable act of cultural cleansing that is the paving over of the ruins of the recently destroyed Serbian church in the center of Djakovica—thus compounding physical destruction with the attempt to erase every trace of its very existence?
What of the defiance of the municipal authorities in Decane to restore the cadastral record of land belonging to the monastery of Visoki Decane, a UNESCO World Heritage Site that has been placed on its List of World Heritage in Danger—notwithstanding two Executive Decisions by the SRSG ordering them to do so?
What of the return of illegally-seized private property? More than 30,000 such cases are outstanding. Those affected—Kosovo Serbs overwhelmingly—barely manage in make-shift dwellings or IDP camps, while Kosovo Albanians continue to live in their homes and make use of their agricultural fields—without fear of prosecution.
What of the fact that only one hundred and seven Kosovo Serb IDPs—according to the UN’s numbers—have returned to their homes in the first nine months of this year?
What of the break-in of the Kosovo Trust Agency compound by officials of the parallel institution known as the Privatisation Agency of Kosovo, done in the presence of local police?
What of the seizure of massive quantities of medicine and medical equipment destined for North Kosovo or the enclaves?
What of the most recent stoning of Serbs in Kosovska Mitrovica, and the use of automatic weapons by ethnic Albanians against unarmed Serbian civilians and international police?
And, finally, what of the repeated assaults on international civilian officials in Kosovo?
These and many other similar questions are disturbing indeed. As member States of the United Nations, I believe it is our solemn duty to seek the answers to them.
Mr. President,
In conclusion, I say that the rapid realization of full membership in the European Union will continue to be the central strategic priority of the Republic of Serbia. This should also remain the priority of all other UN member States in the Western Balkans. For the caravan of history that began its journey with the Treaty of Rome will not stop. We must make sure that no one is left behind, as it goes by.
We have been very clear as to who we are and what we wanted. Serbia continues to believe in a shared destiny of all European nations. And we remain dedicated to embrace Robert Schuman’s dream of an “organized and living Europe indispensable to the maintenance of peaceful relations amongst states.”
These stand at the foundation of our democracy, our efforts at reconciliation, and our beliefs in what we can accomplish together. They remind us of the importance of cooperation, compromise and consensus-building, while prompting us to remain true to the moral compass the values themselves provide to all who have the prescience to see beyond the first obstacle on the way.
Mr. President,
Serbia—whole Serbia, including Kosovo—will become a member of the European Union in the next few years.
We will join the European Union with our heads held high, with our territorial integrity intact, and with our sovereignty preserved.
Mr. President,
Like most other nations, mine has traveled through periods of tragedy, and periods of glory. Sometimes it is tragedy that produces the opportunity to achieve new heights. But these are not reached by simply inventing new history. That is why Serbia will never, ever accept the independence of Kosovo. New heights are achieved by honoring all that constitute one’s national identity, not denying it. New heights are achieved by nurturing heritage, not suffocating it. Achieving new heights is about a nation being proud of its past, while reaching beyond its present.
“The arc of the moral universe is long; but it bends towards justice,” Martin Luther King, Jr., once said, adding: “it comes to all in the end.”
So it has always been, so it is, and so it will be. And so will be Kosovo. Part of Serbia forever.
____
Thank you, Mr. President, for having given me the opportunity to address the Security Council at a time of great consequence for us all.
* * *
Wed 26 Nov 2008 | |
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Mr. President,
Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
In 1945, on the heels of the most destructive conflict the world had ever seen, facing an uncertain future characterized by the threat of nuclear annihilation, the United Nations was established by men and women of strategic vision. At San Francisco my country proudly sat amongst the Founders.
Our courageous political ancestors created this Organization in the belief that international law, based on the doctrine of sovereign equality of states, must supplant the use of force to settle differences between nations.
This core, abiding conviction of the Founders must be repeatedly reconfirmed. Their sense of purpose must be reaffirmed. And the exercise of the obligation they handed down to us must continue to be carried out, with a solemn sense of responsibility by all.
However much the world has changed since 1945, the United Nations remains the only universal, intergovernmental institution that unites us as a global community of sovereign states.
And at the very heart of this indispensable Organization stands the General Assembly—the ultimate bestower of legitimacy on the international system. The unique world forum that is the GA brings us together as sovereign equals—each acting on behalf of a country, with one vote, as guaranteed by the UN Charter.
The sacrosanct character of the foundational doctrine of sovereign equality, and its accompanying binding obligation to respect each other’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, constitutes the very nature of the enduring legitimacy of the United Nations.
This has not changed, and I believe it must not change—unless we seek to overthrow the Charter and overturn the global legal order upon which it is built.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I come before you as the president of a country that has become caught at the heart of one of the most dangerous challenges to the nature of the international system since the founding of the United Nations.
I speak of the unilateral, illegal and illegitimate declaration of independence by the ethnic Albanian authorities of our southern province of Kosovo and Metohija—a territory that, for the Serbian people, stands at the crucible of our identity. It is the essential link between our proud national past and our proud European future. It is what ties the living tradition of Serbia to itself today.
The attempt at secession took place on February 17th 2008, in direct violation of the United Nations Charter, the Helsinki Final Act, and Security Council resolution 1244 (1999).
Kosovo’s ethnic Albanian leaders chose to take this unilateral step after walking away from the negotiating table.
They believed that if they walked away, the path to securing independence would open up before them. They believed it, because that’s what they were told. And they believed it because an artificial deadline on the talks was affirmed from the outside after which, if no compromise solution was reached, Kosovo’s independence would be imposed.
Under such circumstances, a negotiated solution was never a realistic option. With a fixed deadline and a default position that fulfilled their maximalist demands, what incentive did Kosovo’s ethnic Albanians have to negotiate with Serbia in good faith? All they had to do was to pretend to engage in a process pre-determined to fail, and wait out the clock.
The incentives for compromise were far outweighed by the incentives for maximalism. The result was the rejection of Serbia’s reasonable offer of almost unrestricted self-government—the broadest possible autonomy one can imagine.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Kosovo’s unilateral declaration of independence—or UDI—amounts to an attempt at partitioning a member State of the United Nations against its will, and with disregard for the firm opposition of the Security Council, in order to appease a volatile and threatening ethnic minority.
As a result, the very nature of the international system has been called into question.
We all know that there are dozens of Kosovo-s throughout the world, just waiting for secession to be legitimized, to be rendered an acceptable norm. Many existing conflicts could escalate, frozen conflicts could reignite, and new ones could be instigated.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
We have heard the argument that Kosovo is sui generis—that it is a unique case.
But the truth is, this comes down to saying that Kosovo is an exception to international law—that Kosovo should stand beyond the rules that govern the behavior of the international community.
The Republic of Serbia rejects this claim, believing that no one should permit himself the right to declare such exceptions, especially in defiance of the Security Council’s position.
We face a defining moment. We must stand together, in steadfastness and determination, against a fundamental violation of international law.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Serbia responded to Kosovo’s UDI with utmost responsibility and restraint. Despite political turmoil, our country continued to work hard to contribute to maintaining regional stability.
From the very onset of this grave crisis, Serbia has ruled out the use of force. And we have not exercised other unilateral options, such as the imposition of economic sanctions, against our breakaway province.
Instead, we have opted for a peaceful and diplomatic approach—the result of which is that a vast majority of UN member States have refrained from recognizing Kosovo’s UDI. They have continued to abide by their UN Charter obligations to respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of my country.
On behalf of the Republic of Serbia, allow me once again to sincerely thank these countries for their adherence to the principles of international law.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Serbia proposes a non-confrontational way to respond to the threat posed to its territorial integrity. We have chosen to use the law.
While rejecting violence and unilateralism categorically, we are equally emphatic in demanding that justice be delivered through the proper legal means at the disposal of any member State of the United Nations.
To that end, the Republic of Serbia has submitted a resolution to be considered before this Session of the General Assembly.
Let me make it clear that the text of this resolution refrains from taking political positions on Kosovo's UDI. Instead, in simple and direct language, it asks of the principal judicial organ of the United Nations—the International Court of Justice—to render an advisory opinion on the following question: “Is the unilateral declaration of independence by the Provisional Institutions of Self-Government of Kosovo in accordance with international law?”
We believe that sending the Kosovo question to the ICJ would prevent this crisis from serving as a deeply problematic precedent in any part of the globe where secessionist ambitions are harbored.
We also believe that an ICJ advisory opinion would provide politically neutral, yet judicially authoritative guidance, to many countries still deliberating on how to approach Kosovo’s UDI in line with international law.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Your vote in support of this resolution would serve to reaffirm another key international principle at stake: the right of any member State of the United Nations to pose a simple, elementary question—on a matter it considers vitally important—to the competent court.
To vote against is in effect to vote to deny the right of any country—now or in the future—to seek judicial recourse through the UN system.
To vote against means to accept that nothing could be done when secessionists in whichever part of the world proclaim the uniqueness of their cause, and claim exception to the universal scope of international law.
Such an attitude could lead to the end of the United Nations system as we know it.
Allow me therefore to formally ask for the support of each and every member State for Serbia’s proposal before the General Assembly.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
While the ICJ deliberates on the legality of UDI, Serbia will remain a good-faith partner in the interim administration of our southern province.
The functionality of a reconfigured international civilian presence under the overall authority of the United Nations, as defined by resolution 1244, is of great importance to my country. It must remain status-neutral, and therefore cannot be based on the so-called Ahtisaari Proposal, which was rejected by Serbia and not approved by the Security Council.
It is well-known that the European Union has committed itself to building the much-needed institutional and societal fabric of our southern province. Let there be no doubt: my country supports the deepening of Europe’s engagement in any part of Serbia, including Kosovo.
In order for Europe’s presence in Kosovo to be fully anchored within an acceptable, legitimate framework, it is vital that its mandate be approved by the Security Council.
We will work with the member States and the Secretariat to ensure that we achieve consensus in the near future on the international civil presence in our southern province.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
In conclusion, I want to emphasize to you that the central strategic priority of the Republic of Serbia is rapid accession to the European Union.
Serbia will join the EU, not only for reasons of geography, heritage, and economic prosperity, but also because of the values we hold in common. They constitute the intangible greatness of 21st-century Europe, and they form the foundation of our democracy, our society, and our beliefs in what we can accomplish.
Our common values also point to the significance of reconciliation—an important reason why Serbia is fully cooperating with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia.
We have demonstrated our unequivocal commitment time and again. We will continue to do so because it is our duty—our legal, political and moral duty—to the victims, to ourselves, and most of all, to the generations to come.
Europe has become the unifying force of the region: My country’s absolute dedication to join the EU is shared by all the countries of the Western Balkans.
By choosing—as democracies—to belong to something that is greater than the sum of its parts, the Balkanization of the Balkans can be reversed.
Serbia’s European vision is complemented by our strong desire to continue restoring and deepening the many close friendships that Yugoslavia made across the globe during the post-World War Two period. It will be one of our key priorities in the years to come.
As a country that is the largest successor to a co-founder of the Non-Aligned Movement, Serbia will work hard to contribute to a more equitable global community devoted to advance the democratization of international relations, economic and social development, and human rights.
I close by saying that my country remains ready to further promote a nobler form of intergovernmental cooperation—one that truly addresses challenges, alleviates divisions, and reduces tensions.
Such a vision can only be built on the firm foundation of the universal principles of sovereign equality, solidarity and international law within the framework of the United Nations.
Thank you very much.
Tue 23 Sep 2008 | |
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Serbian Foreign Minister Vuk Jeremic in the interview in HARDtalk explained the position of the Serbian government regarding the arrest and transfer to the Hague War Crime tribunal of Radovan Karadzic.
Thu 31 Jul 2008 | |
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Upis besplatnih akcija Javnih Preduzeca je zavrsen 31 Jula 2008
Sun 20 Jul 2008 | |
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Ambasada Srbije u Londonu ce od 18. februara do 31. jula 2008. godine primati prijave gradjana sa boravistem u Velikoj Britaniji i Republici Irskoj radi dodele besplatnih akcija, kao i zaposlenih i bivsih zaposlenih u pojedinim javnim preduzecima (NIS, JAT, A.D.Galenika, Telekom, EPS i Aerodom N. Tesla).
Da bi gradjani imali pravo na novcanu naknadu i upis akcija moraju da ispunjavaju sledece uslove:
- Da su navrsili 18. godina zakljucno sa 31. decembrom 2007. godine i da su na dan sticanja statusa nosioca prava bili upisani u biracki spisak nadleznih opstinskih organa;
- Da su drzavljani Republike Srbije, odnosno da su upisani u knjigu drzavljana Republike Srbije dana 3. januara 2008. godine;
- Da su dana 30.juna 2007. imali prebivaliste na teritoriji Republike Srbije, odnosno status privremeno raseljenog lica sa Kosova i Metohije;
- Da pravo na akcije bez naknade nisu na bilo koji nacin ostvarili, u celosti ili delimicno, u skladu sa Zakonom o svojinskoj transformaciji (“Sl. gl. RS 32/97 i 10/01) ili Zakonom o privatizaciji (“Sl. gl. RS” 38/01, 18/03 i 45/05)
Podnosilac prijave podnosi na uvid:
- Vazecu licnu kartu, koja je jedini dokument na osnovu kojeg je moguce izvrsiti prijavu (pasos, vojna legitimacija i sl. se ne prihvataju);
- Karticu banke kod koje je otvoren dinarski racun. Ukoliko podnosilac prijave nema otvoren dinarski racun, predvidjena je mogucnost da mu sluzbenik Ambasade dodeli broj dinarskog racuna Postanske stedionice.
Napomena: Lica koja imaju status privremeno raseljenih lica sa Kosova i Metohije, pored licne karte, podnose legitimaciju za raseljena lica ili zeleni karton.
Evidentiranje zaposlenih i bivsih zaposlenih u javnim preduzecima odvijace se u sledecim rokovima:
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Naftna Industrija Srbije i JAT Airways - od 18. februara do 30.marta 2008. godine;
- A.D.Galenika i Telekom Srbije - od 31. marta do 30.maja 2008. godine;
- Elektroprivreda Srbije i Aerodrom Nikola Tesla - od 31. maja do 31. jula 2008. god.
Zaposleni i bivsi zaposleni u navedenim javnim preduzecima potrebno je da podnosu sledecu dokumentaciju:
- vazecu licnu kartu (na uvid);
fotokopiju licne karte;
- original uverenja o drzavljanstvu R.Srbije koje nije starije od 6 meseci;
- fotokopiju radne knjizice overene u preduzecu, a za penzionere overena u Republickom fondu za penzijsko i invalidsko osiguranje;
- Potvrdu o ostvarenim godinama staza koju izdaje preduzece (na propisanom obrascu) za cije se akcije zaposlen ili bivsi zaposleni prijavljuje.
Zaposleni i bivsi zaposleni, koji su se kao gradjani vec prijavili za besplatne akcije, nemaju pravo na besplatne akcije u preduzecu u kojem imaju status zaposlenog ili bivseg zaposlenog.
Prijave gradjana vrsice bez naplate takse za to posebno odredjeni sluzbenici Ambasade, na salteru br. 2 u prostorijama Konzularnog odeljenja Ambasade radnim danom od 10 do 13h.
Prijave se podnose licno.
Mon 25 Feb 2008 | |
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Izlaganje Njegove ekselencije Vuka Jeremića, MSP RS, na Prvoj konferenciji ambasadora Republike Srbije,16. decembra
Sun 16 Dec 2007 | |
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The third meeting of the British-Serbian Business Council focussing on opportunities to invest in real estate in the Republic of Serbia was held at Clyde and Co. law firm in the City of London on the 21st November 2007. The event was sponsored and organized by Clyde and Co in cooperation with the Embassy of the Republic of Serbia in London and the British Embassy in Belgrade.
Presentations on real estate opportunities in Serbia were given by representatives of the Ministry of Economy and Regional Development, the Privatisation Agency of Serbia, the Directorate for City building, King Sturge Belgrade and Clyde and Co.
This was the third formal event of the British Serbian Business Council which was established this year. The Council was launched at an inaugural event at Sommerset House in April 2007, followed by a conference on the investment climate in Serbia in June at White&Case law firm.
Wed 21 Nov 2007 | |
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"The Risks of Kosovo Independence"
Remarks in the House of Commons
by H.E. Mr. Vuk Jeremić
Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Serbia
London, 19 November 2007
A mural painted by the British artist Sigismund Goetze in the immediate aftermath of the Great War hangs steps from the Foreign Secretary's office. It is called "Britannia Pacificatrix." In the middle of the panel, Britannia encloses within the folds of its royal mantle three figures; the central one of which is Serbia. Emerging from the horrors of war in which more than one quarter of her population perished, Serbia lies draped in her battle-weary flag, a sort of personification of the small nation with a wounded soul.
Stopping to view this mural on the way out from a meeting with the Foreign Secretary two months ago, I found myself recalling the words spoken by Winston Churchill in April 1941 upon hearing of the decision-by what he termed a "valiant race"-to bravely fight Hitler, instead of ignobly submitting to a Pact with him. Churchill said: "that nation has recovered its soul."
That mural and the words of Churchill brought together in one moment a sense of reminiscence about the partnership our two countries had forged in two World Wars - a partnership consecrated with the blood of those who fought on numerous fronts in common cause during the 20th century. Together with the other defeaters of Fascism, we went on to help found the United Nations in San Francisco. And then, in the first, hardest years of recovery from the Nazi occupation, as Stalin sought to consolidate his grip in Eastern Europe, my country had the courage to stand up and say no. And, with international support, including Britain's, we preserved our sovereignty throughout the Cold War.
____
In 1989, great changes again came to Europe: the Iron Curtain withered away, and the old divides came down. Much of Europe entered a new era of freedom, stability, and prosperity. The tragic exception was the Western Balkans, which plunged into civil war and was delayed from enjoying the benefits of the peace that spread across the European continent. That delay began to be overcome in October 5th 2000, on the occasion of the democratic overthrow of the regime of Slobodan Milosevic. On that day, Serbia once more recovered its soul, and re-entered the mainstream of a Europe dedicated to cementing the democratic changes made in 1989.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
A democratic Serbia today shares with Britain, and the rest of Europe, a firm belief in the values of democracy. These values frame our behavior and our way of thinking; they bring out our humanity-they allow what binds us together to come to the surface of our nature. And thus enable the ennoblement of humankind to take shape.
In other words, we share an overall vision about the central place of democracy in the Europe of the 21st century. And we share the view that Europe is, as Foreign Secretary Miliband said in Bruges, "a model power", representing a "triumph of shared values … that respect our separate, [national] identities and traditions."
And yet, something in our bilateral relationship is going wrong. The prospect of an estrangement between two democracies at opposite ends of our continent lurks around the corner, rooted in the lingering memory of the terrible events that took place in the 1990s, and the doubts that they produced.
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But before I try to directly address this disagreement, this difference of opinion amongst drifting historical partners, I want to lay before you some of the recent democratic accomplishments of contemporary Serbia-of an emerging, post-communist and post-conflict democracy that stands at the center of the Western Balkans, the last un-integrated corner of Europe.
In seven short years of recovery, look at what Serbia has achieved:
We have reintroduced democratic institutions, and restored of the rule of law.
We have established a market economy, and strengthened human and minority rights.
And we are dedicated to move rapidly toward full European Union membership. Indeed, a fortnight ago, Serbia initiated the Stabilization and Association Agreement in Brussels, and we expect to sign it in the next few weeks, which would put us on schedule to become an official EU membership candidate by the end of 2008.
We are also committed to actively participate in the NATO Partnership for Peace program.
Furthermore, we are devoted to completing regional reconciliation efforts, as demonstrated by the turning-over of 42 Hague indictees, including four former presidents, one former speaker of parliament, one former prime minister, and three former chiefs of the general staff. Let there be on doubt, we remain determined to locate, arrest, and hand-over the few Hague indictees still at large.
In sum, the Republic of Serbia is doing everything in its power to pursue policies that will never again lead to war and misery for our people, for all our citizens, and for our whole region.
We're doing all this because we know what it means to suffer a generational setback. We know the price of economic sanctions, hyperinflation, international isolation, civil war, bombing, and the influx of hundreds of thousands of refugees and IDPs. We know it because we lived it. That is why we are working hard to ensure that our children grow up in a country free of privation and extremism. It's because we are passionate about Serbia's European future, and because we are clear-sighted about the work that remains to be accomplished for our vision to become a reality.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Precisely because we have done almost everything right since we peacefully overthrew Milosevic in October 2000, the possibility of an estrangement between our two democracies is deeply regretful-especially to those of us who risked our lives to bring to an end the dictatorship central to Balkan nightmare of the 1990s. Nevertheless, it may be unavoidable, for this possible rift is rooted in a profound tactical disagreement on how to overcome the current impasse in the efforts to arrive at a solution to the future status of Kosovo and Metohija, Serbia's southern province under United Nations administration since June 1999.
The precise nature of the disagreement centers on the importance placed on the view that there is nothing more important than reaching a solution acceptable to all. In other words, should Kosovo be solved in the 21st-century European manner, that is, through compromise, concession, and consensus-building among all the stakeholders? Or should another logic animate the process-one that allows for the imposition of an outcome on the parties?
I believe that the answer lies in thinking through what is best for the region as a whole, what best advances the cause of full European membership for the entire Western Balkans. Only such a solution would propel the region forward past the point of no reversal and away from the illusory nationalist temptations of the recent past.
The way forward lies in working together to overcome the differences between the parties, so that all the countries of the Western Balkans end up on the same side. The side of political stability - the side of Europe, its democratic values, its economic prosperity, and its social responsibilities.
Pursuing all other courses of action would reverse the tremendous progress that has been made in Serbia. And if Serbia falters, if we plunge back into a mindset reminiscent of our recent past, if our democracy suffers a fatal, generational blow, so will the rest of the Western Balkans-for Serbia is the pivotal country of the region. Throughout the region, stability would not take root, democracy would be undermined, the legitimacy of borders would be called into question, and prosperity would remain illusive.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
We mustn't sacrifice this ultimate geo-strategic priority of the Western Balkans-accelerated EU accession for all-on the altar of communal aspirations.
And yet there are some-in Britain and in other countries-who advocate pursuing policies that will not lead to a solution for Kosovo's future status that advances the European membership perspective of the Western Balkans. And I want to say to them frankly that imposing an outcome fundamentally detrimental to one side's democratic survival will vitally affect the future of the region as a whole.
Let me summarize what Belgrade and Pristina were told at the onset of this round of the status negotiations.
It was publicly stated that the province's independence will be imposed if no agreement is reached by December 10th. And that has put us at an impasse, for a hard deadline strongly favours the interests of one side: the Kosovo Albanians.
Put yourself in their shoes: with a set deadline and a default position that fulfils its maximalist demands, what incentive does Pristina have to negotiate in good faith? Why not just sit back, appear engaged, and simply wait out the clock?
The way out of this looming crisis lies in viewing the December 10th deadline as a marker for assessing progress, and little more. By re-defining the significance of this date, an environment would be created-for the first time since the future status process began-in which an historical settlement could be crafted.
How so? Because for the first time, a symmetrical set of incentives to reach a compromise, mutually-acceptable agreement, would be on offer to both sides: one that says, in the spirit of 21st-century Europe: "keep at it until you concur." As a German parliamentarian said to me a few days ago, "isn't it better to have more time than to have more trouble?"
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Arriving at a compromise solution would also prevent calling into question a fundamental tenet of the international system-reinforced in Europe through the Helsinki Final Act-by setting a precedent that allows for any country to be partitioned without its consent. For let us not deceive ourselves, the imposition of the independence of Kosovo is nothing other than the forced partition of Serbia.
And we all know that there are dozens of Kosovo-s throughout the world, just waiting for secession to be legitimized, to be rendered an acceptable norm. Throughout the world, existing conflicts could escalate, frozen conflicts could reignite, and new ones could be instigated.
In truth, then, resolving Kosovo's future status unilaterally, without the consent of all stakeholders, is not just about preserving Serbian democracy and the European future of the Western Balkans. It's also about preserving the international system, predicated on the observance of a set of rules-rules meant to maintain predictability of action.
And Britain, with its unique position in the world and its pivotal role in Europe, must come to see the dangers inherent in the pursuit of a policy that could undermine the renewal of global institutions designed to support, as Prime Minister Brown said during his first Lord Mayor's Banquet speech, a new, "shared international endeavor." For no country that has dedicated itself to the noble cause of contributing to a "better, 21st-century way of delivering peace and prosperity"-the Prime Minister's words again-should undertake actions that clearly contravene international law. The risks are simply too high.
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In the end, I want to share with you Serbia's offer to Kosovo Albanians-a fair, and just compromise offer designed to help fulfill the entire region's European destiny. An offer that facilitates the development of the province, while strengthening the democracies of all the other regional actors in the process. We offer a uniquely crafted partnership under a common sovereign roof: institutionally unrestrained autonomy-extraordinarily broad powers of self-governance-that at the same time preserves our sovereignty and territorial integrity.
The Albanian response has not been positive. Some in Pristina have even threatened violence against us, if we don't accept their independence Diktat. The moment is difficult, for, to paraphrase Karl Popper: "It is hard to conduct a negotiation with someone who prefers shooting you to being engaged by you." But again, I say, the European way to overcome the intransigence of one side is to remove the factors that enable that intransigence to flourish-in this case, the commitment to impose independence after the passage of an arbitrary deadline.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I have spoken about the fracturing bond between our two countries and how to mend it, about the clash between Europe's values and its policies and how to overcome it, about the future of the Western Balkans and how to secure it, and about our shared commitment to the international system and how to strengthen it. All this and more is at stake with Kosovo.
In conclusion I want to appeal to your sense of fair play, and your sense of honour. Our nation, like yours, is ancient, and our convictions are ancient. And Kosovo is the cradle of our civilization, the beating heart of our "valiant race." I ask you not to discount the symbolic centrality of Kosovo for the Serbian people and for our democracy. I ask you to help us reach a compromise solution that preserves our sovereignty, while giving the Kosovo Albanians a real chance to govern their own affairs. They have gone through many tribulations, and they do deserve an opportunity to prosper. But this opportunity cannot come at the price of destabilizing the region and humiliating Serbia.
Know that if you do choose to recognize Kosovo-if you choose to forcibly partition Serbia-you will have de-legitimized democracy in the eyes of the Serbian people. It will be a terrible blow. And not one that we will recover from easily.
So I ask you to be patient, and to be visionary. To help Serbia and the Western Balkans preserve what we have built. To "bring to pass that the savage works of war may be stilled to rest throughout all seas and lands," as Lucretius so eloquently put it. So we can one day soon take our rightful place at the table of Europe.
Mon 19 Nov 2007 | |
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